In this paper, we examine the problems facing a policy maker who observes inconsistent choices made by agents who are boundedly rational. We contrast a model-less and a model-based approach to welfare economics. We make the case for the model-based approach and examine its advantages as well as some problematic issues associated with it.

Toleration classically denotes a relation between two agents that is characterised by three components: objection, power, and acceptance overriding the objection. Against recent claims that classical toleration is not applicable in liberal democracies and that toleration must therefore either be understood purely attitudinally or purely politically, we argue that the components of classical toleration are crucial elements of contemporary cases of minority accommodation. The concept of toleration is applicable to, and is an important element of descriptions of such cases, provided (...) that one views them as wholes, rather than as sets of isolated relations. We explain this by showing how certain cases of toleration are multi‐dimensional and how the descriptive concept of toleration might be understood intersectionally. We exemplify this by drawing on case studies of mosque controversies in Germany and Denmark. Finally, we propose that intersectionality is not only relevant to the descriptive concept of toleration but also captures an important aspect of normative theories of toleration. We illustrate this by discussing ideals of respect‐based toleration, which we also apply to the case studies. (shrink)

The corruption of public officials and institutions is generally regarded as wrong. But in what exactly does this form of corruption consist and what kind of wrong does it imply? This article aims to take stock of the current philosophical discussion of the different senses in which political corruption is wrong in a general sense, beyond the specific negative legal, economic, and social costs it may happen to have in specific circumstances. Political corruption is usually presented as a pathology of (...) the public order. Therefore, the senses in which political corruption has been presented as wrong have varied depending on the normative theory of the public order that is presupposed. In this article, we offer a critical presentation of two major interpretations of the wrongfulness of political corruption that draw respectively on a neo-republican and a liberal account of the public order. Finally, we show how the analytical distinction between these approaches has important normative implications for the identification of relevant cases of political corruption. (shrink)

Is the corrupt behaviour of public officials a politically relevant kind of wrong only when it causes the malfunctioning of institutions? We challenge recent institutionalist approaches to political corruption by showing a sense in which the individual corrupt behaviour of certain public officials is wrong not only as a breach of personal morality but in inherently politically salient terms. To show this sense, we focus on a specific instance of individual corrupt behaviour on the part of public officials entrusted with (...) the power to implement public rules in a liberal democracy. Although not necessarily unlawful, their behaviour is politically wrong qua corrupt when it contradicts surreptitiously the requirement of public justification that undergirds the public order. Then, we distinguish this form of corruption as surreptitious action from such unlawful but publicly justifiable kinds of political misbehaviour as civil disobedience. (shrink)

The article offers an analysis of Kant’ s “Third Antinomy of Pure Reason” (in which he examines the possibility of reconciling Transcendental freedom with natural Determinism), in order to show the lack of grounds of the interpretation that claims that the critical resolution of the antinomy implies a shift with respect to the cosmological terms in which the conflict was initially stated. Through a detailed analysis of the sources, we will suggest that the conflict analyzed in the Third Antinomy is (...) not exclusively cosmological, but rather that it also –and to the same degree– constitutes a practical conflict, and, secondly, that the critical solution is not developed in exclusively practical terms, but that it also involves certain aspects directly linked to the cosmological question initially formulated. (shrink)

In this essay, we argue that there exist obvious parallels between questions that inform philosophy of chemistry and the so-called hard problem of consciousness in philosophy of mind. These include questions regarding the emergence of higher-level phenomena from lower-level physical states, the reduction of higher-level phenomena to lower-level physical states, and 'downward causation'. We, therefore, propose that the 'hard problem' of consciousness should be approached in a manner similar to that used to address parallel problems in philosophy of chemistry. Thus, (...) our contribution begins by scrutinizing the ways chemists and quantum chemists think about and use different levels of organization and chemical relations and relata and then investigates the problem of 'downward causation' as it relates to the question of emergence. We demonstrate that the science of the transformation of 'substances', namely chemistry, enables us to go beyond substantialism and to develop, instead, a non-substantialist account of levels of reality. Similarly, the 'hard problem' of consciousness will require that we transcend traditional emergentism and its substantialist conception of mind. As with chemical phenomena, mental phenomena must be examined in terms of the relationality of wholes and parts, and this will require the development of a mereology that explains how parts and wholes may co-define each other. Like the non-classical and non-transitive mereology that has been proposed for quantum chemistry, an extended mereology for philosophy of mind must be one that entangles the whole, its parts, and the environment, thus rendering 'downward causation' into a relational concept. This proposal is neither a reductionist analysis that only needs the parts to define the whole, nor a merely holistic description within which the whole is necessary to define the parts. Rather, we propose that the parts, the whole, and the environment co-define each other so that our understanding of parts, wholes, and environment as independent concepts must itself be altered. (shrink)

Toleration classically denotes a relation between two agents that is characterised by three components: objection, power, and acceptance overriding the objection. Against recent claims that classical toleration is not applicable in liberal democracies and that toleration must therefore either be understood purely attitudinally or purely politically, we argue that the components of classical toleration are crucial elements of contemporary cases of minority accommodation. The concept of toleration is applicable to, and is an important element of descriptions of such cases, provided (...) that one views them as wholes, rather than as sets of isolated relations. We explain this by showing how certain cases of toleration are multi-dimensional and how the descriptive concept of toleration might be understood intersectionally. We exemplify this by drawing on case studies of mosque controversies in Germany and Denmark. Finally, we propose that intersectionality is not only relevant to the descriptive concept of toleration but also captures an important aspect of normative theories of toleration. We illustrate this by discussing ideals of respect-based toleration, which we also apply to the case studies. (shrink)

Resumen: Este trabajo examina la posición que adopta Kant en la polémica del spinozismo, la cual involucró a importantes figuras de la Ilustración alemana en un debate acerca de los alcances y límites de la razón. Con la publicación del texto Was heisst: Sich im Denken orientiren?, Kant rechaza tanto la posición de Jacobi -quien declara que la razón es incapaz de arribar a una demostración de la existencia de Dios y proclama la necesidad de un "salto a la fe"- (...) como la posición de Mendelssohn, quien confía en las posibilidades de la razón para alcanzar tal demostración. A través de una concepción de la razón como facultad crítica y autónoma, Kant toma una posición mediadora en el debate, y establece los alcances y límites de la razón, fundamentalmente en lo que atañe a la representación de Dios como ser originario. El concepto de razón esbozado en el escrito de 1786 deja entrever la insoslayable dimensión política ínsita en la noción kantiana de publicidad. El modo en que Kant concibe allí la conexión entre razón, crítica, publicidad y política trasciende los márgenes de dicha polémica e introduce cuestiones fundamentales sobre las condiciones político-jurídicas que se requieren para el ejercicio autónomo del pensamiento. Sin embargo, y pese a la radicalidad de los planteamientos kantianos, la naturalización racionalista de la creencia religiosa supone un límite de la filosofía crítica que exige revisarse a la luz de criterios actuales.: This paper analyzes the position taken by Kant in the controversy of Spinozism, which engaged many important thinkers of the German Enlightenment in a debate on the scope and limits of reason. With the publication of Was heisst: Sich im Denken orientiren?, Kant takes part in the debate and rejects both the position adopted by Jacobi -who regards reason as incapable of reaching a demonstration of God's existence and thus proclaims the necessity of a "leap of faith"-, and Mendelssohn's position, who trusts in the possibilities of reason to reach such a demonstration. By means of a conception of reason as a critical and autonomous faculty, Kant attempts to go beyond both positions, and sets the scope and limits of reason in regard to the representation of God as the originating being. The concept of reason developed within the framework of the critical project exhibits its unavoidable political dimension in the text of 1786. Kant establishes there a connection between reason, critique, publicity, and politics that goes beyond the margins of the controversy and addresses fundamental issues regarding the political and juridical conditions required for an autonomous exercise of reason. However, despite the radical character of Kant's proposals, the rationalistic naturalization of religious belief represents a limit to his critical philosophy, and should be revised by the lights of current criteria. (shrink)

This book examines the way in which Robert Boyle seeks to accommodate his complex chemical philosophy within the framework of a mechanistic theory of matter. More specifically, the book proposes that Boyle regards chemical qualities as properties that emerged from the mechanistic structure of chymical atoms. Within Boyle’s chemical ontology, chymical atoms are structured concretions of particles that Boyle regards as chemically elementary entities, that is, as chemical wholes that resist experimental analysis. Although this interpretation of Boyle’s chemical philosophy has (...) already been suggested by other Boyle scholars, the present book provides a sustained philosophical argument to demonstrate that, for Boyle, chemical properties are dispositional, relational, emergent, and supervenient properties. This argument is strengthened by a detailed mereological analysis of Boylean chymical atoms that establishes the kind of theory of wholes and parts that is most consistent with an emergentist conception of chemical properties. The emergentist position that is being attributed to Boyle supports his view that chemical reactions resist direct explanation in terms of the mechanistic properties of fundamental particles, as well as his position regarding the scientific autonomy of chymistry from mechanics and physics. (shrink)

We study the relative strength of the two axioms Every Pell equation has a nontrivial solution Exponentiation is total over weak fragments, and we show they are equivalent over IE1. We then define the graph of the exponential function using only existentially bounded quantifiers in the language of arithmetic expanded with the symbol #, where # = x[log2y]. We prove the recursion laws of exponentiation in the corresponding fragment.

The corruption of public officials and institutions is one of the most obvious problems that affects developed and developing countries alike. Because this view is largely shared, most current studies of this phenomenon—‘political corruption’—have been dedicated either to measuring or counteracting the negative political, social, and economic effects that this form of corruption may have in society. Albeit significant and urgent, these studies have distracted the attention of commentators from a somewhat more basic analysis of the nature and wrongness of (...) this phenomenon. This lacuna has resulted in the formulation of a multiplicity of actions that address a very heterogeneous set of issues, including such diverse phenomena as bribery, embezzlement, institutional malfunctioning, the inadequacy of political leaders, and clientelism. This situation is unsatisfactory because it muddles important distinctions between different pathologies that may affect the public order. But it matters also for the design of anti-corruption strategies that risk to either misfire or be too vague by lacking a clear target and an account of the exact kind of wrong these strategies are meant to prevent and/or correct. In our research on this topic, we have addressed this issue by offering a normative analysis of political corruption as surreptitious public action. Our account explains the distinguishing traits of political corruption and makes sense of its inherent wrongness as a contradiction of the logic of publicity that undergirds political interactions in a rights-based system. In this chapter, we draw on this research and expand it with a view to enhancing the identification of relevant instances of political corruption and the design of policies to counteract them. (shrink)

Scholars and international organizations engaged in institutional reconstruction converge in recognizing political corruption as a cause or a consequence of conflicts. Anticorruption is thus generally considered a centrepiece of institutional reconstruction programmes. A common approach to anticorruption within this context aims primarily to counter the negative political, social, and economic effects of political corruption, or implement legal anticorruption standards and punitive measures. We offer a normative critical discussion of this approach, particularly when it is initiated and sustained by external entities. (...) We recast the focus from an outward to an inward perspective on institutional action and failure centred on the institutional interactions between officeholders. In so doing, we offer the normative tools to reconceptualize anticorruption in terms of an institutional ethics of ‘office accountability’ that draws on an institution’s internal resources of self-correction as per the officeholders’ interrelated work. (shrink)

El objetivo de este trabajo es examinar el modo en que Kant concibe la relación entre el derecho político, el derecho de gentes y el derecho cosmopolita, en dos de sus textos de madurez: Hacia la paz perpetua y La metafísica de las costumbre s. El análisis de esta cuestión no solo permite esclarecer principios fundamentales de su filosofía jurídico-política, sino que aporta además nociones relevantes para la actual discusión acerca de los derechos humanos, el cosmopolitismo y el derecho internacional; (...) temáticas que posicionan a Kant como uno de los autores modernos de mayor presencia en el marco del debate filosófico contemporáneo. En primer lugar, examinaré la posición asumida por el filósofo con respecto al intervencionismo, que resulta especialmente relevante para comprender la relación entre el derecho político y el derecho de gentes, ya que obliga a pensar el alcance y los límites del principio de soberanía estatal. En segundo lugar, haré referencia al modo en que este autor concibe la conexión entre el republicanismo y la institución de una comunidad jurídica internacional, e intentaré mostrar que se trata aquí de fines independientes —y a la vez, vinculados— a los que debemos aproximarnos en un proceso de perfeccionamiento gradual de las instituciones jurídicas. (shrink)

Analyzes the philosophical thought of Simone Weil. Pp. 279-286, "Un'ebrea antisemita?, " discuss the Jewish philosopher's apparent antisemitism, her intransigence towards Judaism in comparison with other religions, and her persistent selection of negative examples from Jewish history.

COVID-19 took us by surprise. We all had to face the lockdown and pandemic that put us in a new context, changing our way of life, work conditions, and habits. Coping with such an unprecedented situation may have stimulated creativity. However, the situation also restricted our liberties and triggered health or psychological difficulties. We carried out an online survey to examine whether and how the COVID-19 related first lockdown period was associated with creativity changes in French speaking population. Despite a (...) global negative subjective experience of the situation, participants reported that they were more creative during the lockdown than before. Positive changes were linked with more time availability, more motivation, or the need to solve a problem while negative changes were related to negative affective feelings or a lack of resources or opportunities. This study documents the effects of the first lockdown period on creativity and the factors that influenced it. (shrink)

The paper discusses the extent to which the availability of unprecedentedly rich data-sets and the need for new approaches – both epistemological and computational – is an emerging issue for Macroeconomics. By adopting an evolutionary approach, we describe the paradigm shifts experienced in the macroeconomic research field and emphasize that the types of data the macroeconomist has to deal with play an important role in the evolutionary process of the development of the discipline. After introducing the current debate over Big (...) Data in social sciences, the paper presents a detailed discussion of possible and existing interactions between Big Data and Computational Behavioral Macroeconomics. We argue that Big Data applied to economic questions can lead to new styles of thinking and research methods, namely to the development of a new research paradigm. (shrink)

El objetivo de este documento es presentar una aproximación a las disertaciones desarrolladas en el contexto colombiano que abordan, en sus marcos de referencia, asuntos relacionados al enfoque socio político de la educación matemática, en la idea de identificar por donde ha transitado la comunidad en este tipo de ejercicios académicos. Para ello, se tuvieron en cuenta 61 disertaciones desarrolladas en el periodo 2011-2021, en tres universidades colombianas con reconocimiento por el desarrollo de trabajos académicos e investigativos en torno al (...) estudio del enfoque socio político. Metodológicamente la revisión de las disertaciones se hizo teniendo en cuenta las fases propuestas por Valero y Planas (2016). La revisión preliminar permitió identificar siete categorías: i) montaje de escenarios de aprendizaje desde la Educación Matemática Crítica —EMC—, ii) tensiones y obstáculos que vivencia el profesor cuando desarrolla prácticas pedagógicas; iii) procesos de evaluación desde prácticas sociales fundamentadas en la EMC; iv) estudio de asuntos teóricos diversos desde la EMC; v) ambientes de modelación matemática, desde perspectivas sociocríticas; vi) asuntos sobre la Etnomatemática y el giro decolonial; y vii) revisiones documentales. Circunstancia que nos permite reconocer abordajes investigativos desde enfoques socio políticos que se están desarrollando en las disertaciones. Identificando reflexiones sobre prácticas pedagógicas desde la creación de escenarios de aprendizaje o de ambientes de modelación matemática; reflexiones de carácter teórico sobre pensamiento crítico, formación en valores democráticos; relación entre el micro y macro contexto en clase de matemáticas; reconocimiento y estudio de las tensiones que experimenta el profesor cuando decide salir de su zona de confort. Si bien, se reconocen elementos desde los enfoques socio políticos que aún no han sido explorados, relacionados por ejemplo con cuestiones de raza, identidad, cuestiones de género y justicia social, entre otras; resulta importante resaltar el trabajo que se viene realizando en distintas universidades colombianas en la búsqueda de ahondar en investigaciones que vinculen las matemáticas con asuntos sociales, económicos, políticos y culturales desde un trabajo colaborativo entre escuela y universidad. (shrink)

This paper addresses the status of the act of sharing a message in a social network. Scholars do not agree on what kind of act sharing is and what kind of communicative and illocutionary act is performed when a post is shared. We defend the view that sharing is an act similar to photocopying and distributing a document. Such an act is a basic act that can be used for communicative aims in certain contexts but that is not necessarily communicative. (...) One can repost for several reasons—to manifest agreement or derision, to inform, to please the author, to show activity on social networks, to have an economic return—and only some of them are communicative. However, even when reposters do not perform a communicative act, they are not relieved of every responsibility; in fact, the responsibilities of reposters are like those of the persons who copy and distribute something. (shrink)

Con este documento queremos proponer una caracterización de nuestra experiencia como docentes que hemos situado nuestras prácticas investigativas desde la Educación Matemática Crítica y la Etnomatemática, en la que confluye una idea de sujeto político que transforma las concepciones de ser profesor(a) de matemáticas. Nosotros coincidimos hace algunos años en un congreso académico internacional en el que se discutían propuestas investigativas y prácticas pedagógicas enmarcadas en perspectivas alejadas de enfoques cognitivistas y más próximas a dimensiones sociales, políticas y culturales. Allí, (...) compartimos nuestros trabajos académicos y años más tarde nos reencontramos en el II Encuentro de la Red de Educadores Matemáticos Críticos, notando que, si bien nuestros intereses no habían cambiado, estábamos interesados en reconocer la voz del sujeto al relatar sus experiencias investigativas situadas desde enfoques sociales, políticos y culturales de la educación matemática. Para ello usamos las narrativas orales y escritas para estudiar y reflexionar sobre nuestras propias experiencias como docentes de matemáticas. Para lograrlo, teóricamente nos fundamentamos en las ideas del enfoque social, político y cultural, especialmente, en la Educación Matemática Crítica y la Etnomatemática, caracterizando tanto la idea de sujeto político como de contexto sociopolítico. Con relación a la metodología, retomamos la idea de experiencia de Jorge Larrosa y las características de la investigación biográfico-narrativa, usando particularmente los escritos autobiográficos producidos por los autores del presente documento. Buscamos dar vida a la voz del sujeto al narrar sus propias experiencias como docentes e investigadores de carne y hueso que intentan privilegiar en el aula de clase espacios de discusión sobre asuntos sociales, políticos y culturales que se inscriben en los contextos cotidianos de las escuelas colombianas. Además, reconocemos la importancia de usar las matemáticas como herramienta que nos permite leer, interpretar y transformar el mundo y las condiciones de nuestra sociedad actual, reconociéndonos como sujetos políticos agentes de cambio. (shrink)

A generalization is given of McAloon's result on initial segments ofmodels of GlΔ0, the fragment of Peano Arithmetic where the induction scheme is restricted to formulas with bounded quantifiers.

A generalization is given of McAloon's result on initial segments ofmodels of GlΔ0, the fragment of Peano Arithmetic where the induction scheme is restricted to formulas with bounded quantifiers.

Toleration classically denotes a relation between two agents that is characterised by three components: objection, power, and acceptance overriding the objection. Against recent claims that classical toleration is not applicable in liberal democracies and that toleration must therefore either be understood purely attitudinally or purely politically, we argue that the components of classical toleration are crucial elements of contemporary cases of minority accommodation. The concept of toleration is applicable to, and is an important element of descriptions of such cases, provided (...) that one views them as wholes, rather than as sets of isolated relations. We explain this by showing how certain cases of toleration are multi‐dimensional and how the descriptive concept of toleration might be understood intersectionally. We exemplify this by drawing on case studies of mosque controversies in Germany and Denmark. Finally, we propose that intersectionality is not only relevant to the descriptive concept of toleration but also captures an important aspect of normative theories of toleration. We illustrate this by discussing ideals of respect‐based toleration, which we also apply to the case studies. (shrink)